Nazismprogrammet

Sveriges förhållande till nazismen, Nazityskland och Förintelsen

mats deland

ceifo, Stockholm university


How Swedish authorities handled World War Two war criminals

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The allied powers were well informed about the crimes committed by German forces and their allies, both those units that were connected to the Nazi party and police forces and regular army, during the Second World War.(1) It was early on a war aim to bring the perpetrators before justice. Representatives of nine occupied countries in 1942 made a joint declaration stating that those who collaborated with the occupants would be punished. After a British and American initiative the same year a Commission on War Crimes was appointed. Its name was United Nations War Crimes Commission, UNWCC (The Soviet Union at this point refrained from participating). At 30 October 1943 the so-called Moscow Declaration was made:

Wer immer als Mittäter oder Anstifter an Kriegsverbrechen, Massenmord oder Hinrichtung schuldig ist, mag er Offizier, Soldat oder Mitglied der NSDAP sein, die drei alliierten Mächte werden jeden Schuldigen bis in den letzten Winkel der Erde verfolgen und vor seinen Ankläger bringen, auf dass Gerechtigkeit geschehe.(2)

In accordance with the London Treaty of 8 August 1945, an international military court was created with the aim of judging the principally responsible. The Nürnberg Trials 1945-46 were followed by additionally twelve subsequent trials 1946-47. At the same time a large number of local trials took place, dealing with personnel of concentration camps and executions of POWs and non-military hostages. Until the re-constructed German justice administration took over the responsibility for the bringing before justice of perpetrators of national socialist terror and war crimes, 5,025 persons were sentenced in the three West-Allied occupation zones (of which 806 were sentenced to death). Those that were sentenced to prison were soon released, most of them before 1958. Among the more than nine thousand German POWs that were released from Soviet custody in 1955, a minor group consisting mainly of concentration camp guards were released on the condition that they should remain in West German prisons.(3)
      An additional 5,358 Germans were convicted in Poland, and a further unknown number in Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. In the rest of the occupied countries, the number of convicted Germans was rather small (240 in the Netherlands, 75 in Belgium, 85 in Denmark, 87 in Luxembourg, 81 in Norway. I Austria 13,607 persons were convicted of which 43 were sentenced to death (of which 30 executed).(4) In those countries the main problem was the collaborators and the traitors, as well as those from the local population who had been accomplices in German crimes.
      For Sweden’s part, this process was mainly looked on from the perspective of the spectator. Although almost 150,000 persons had arrived to Sweden in the last months of the Second World War, there are no signs of any organised co-operation with the international machinery of justice. As the historian Heléne Lööw concluded in the single systematic study that has been done on university level on this issue, only one person has ever been deported as a war criminal from Sweden (to Norway, 1948).(5)
      The investigation will address two questions. On the one hand it is important to find out how many persons with a history as war criminals that arrived to Sweden, and how they got there. On the other hand, it is also important to find out how Sweden treated these persons as they arrived. These two questions may, combined, be the foundation for a balanced view of how the Swedish government and Swedish authorities responded to the question. The investigation will only deal with Second World War criminals, but the treatment of them, and of foreign requests for their extradition, will be followed into present times.
      The investigation will use sources in German archives, as well as in Israel and California, which are searchable on personal names. There are similar sources in the Baltic countries. Furthermore, there is a voluminous literature. Requests will be made to all these archives, for information on people registered in the archives of the Swedish Social Board and the Foreigner Commision. This will be an extremely time-consuming task, but it is necessary in order to reach a total view. It is still to be determined to what extent a concentration can be made to those persons who were subject to governmental interest already at that time, or who have subsequently been interrogated by Swedish Counter-Intelligence. Also Swedish citizens who were active in the nazi power apparatus, or who took part in the war, will be included in the investigation.(6)
      Another question is how these people arrived in Sweden. The investigation will discuss the contemporary right-wing extremist networks of refugee assistance. For the time being we have only fragmentary knowledge of these, produced by research on other topics.(7) Sources from the Swedish Counter-Intelligence will probably shed a light on this phenomenon. The escape route over the Baltic Sea, which was organised by the Swedish Intelligence, was investigated already in the mid-1940s by a governmental enquiry, and foremost British research has later expanded this knowledge.(8) It is long overdue that the Swedish Armed Forces let further material on this topic free for research. There is a large volume of Anglo-American research on this field, to which this part of the investigation will relate.
      Thirdly, the investigation will make an assessment of how much Swedish authorities actually knew about the background of these persons. How did they handle the knowledge they actually had? An answer to these questions will make thorough and time-consuming research in several archives necessary. Increasing interest for these questions that grew out of the Eichman trial was from the late 1970s spreading from USA to other countries. There is a voluminous literature that shows how the different states (USA, Australia, Canada, Great Britain, France, and others), reacted to the requests from Simon Wiesenthal and others for investigations, extraditions and trials.(9) There is thus good reason for a comparative perspective. There is also reason to compare the Swedish treatment with the German debate about Vergangenheitsbewältigung/Vergangenheitspolitik. There is also good reason to follow Swedish press commentaries.(10)

notes
1      Richard Breitman, Staatsgeheimnisse, Die Verbrechen der Nazis – von den Alliierten toleriert, München 1999.

2     Albrecht Götz, Bilanz der Verfolgung von NS-Straftaten, Köln 1986, 12; Rena Giefer & Thomas Giefer, Die Rattenlinie, Fluchtwege der Nazis. Eine Dokumentation, Frankfurt am Main 1992, 17.

3      Götz, Bilanz, 22-29. On the number of convicted in the Soviet Union and in Soviet occupied zones, see Manfred Zeidler, Stalinjustiz contra NS-Verbrechen, Die Kriegsverbrecherprozesse gegen deutsche Kriegsgefangene in der UdSSR in den Jahren 1943 – 1952, Kenntnisstand und Forschungsprobleme, Dresden 1996. In the British zone there were also Canadian courts.

4     Götz, Bilanz, 30-31.

5      Heléne Lööw, ’Swedish policy towards suspected war criminals, 1945-87’, i Scandinavian Journal of History, Vol 14:2 (1989), 152.

6     As journalist Bosse Schön concludes in his book Där järnkorsen växer, Ett historiskt reprotage, Stockholm 2001, 172, 193, Swedish police showed no interest in investigating also confessions of war crimes as late as in the early 1960s. The German historian Hans Werner Neulen came to the same conclusion 16 years ago, in An deutscher Seite, Internationale Freiwillige von Wehrmacht und Waffen-SS, München 1985, 167.

7      Holger M. Meding ,Flucht vor Nürnberg? Deutsche und österreichische Einwanderung in Argentinien 1945-1955, Köln 1992; Harly Foged, Henrik Krüger, Flugtrute Nord, Nnazisternes hemmelige flugtnet gennem Danmark, Lynge 1985.

8     Lööw, ’Swedish Policy’, 147; Tom Bower, The Red Web, London 1989.

9      Cf. James E. McKenzie, War Criminals in Canada, Calgary 1995.

10     Norbert Frei, Vergangenheitspolitik, Die Anfänge der Bundesrepublik und die NS-Vergangenheit, München 1996, 234-235; Götz, Bilanz, 89.

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